Coming Back From the Brink in Sierra Leone,
Ahmad Tejan Kabbah
A review
This book, completed by the
ex-President in 2010, three years after he left office and four years
before his death, starts with a brief
sketch of his birth and early years up to his graduation from the UK
with
a Bachelor's degree in economics in 1959. He returns to Sierra Leone
shortly before Independence and
finds ample opportunity for qualified young African administrators in
the Sierra Leone Civil Service as the white colonialists take their
leave. He rises quickly through the ranks from Administrative Officer
to District Commissioner and eventually Permanent Secretary in
1967. Mr
Kabbah is not shy of praising himself in his writing (one did not
notice this in his public utterances), as when he
describes
how he caught the attention of the Prime Minister:
"As an administrator I was able to
tackle the nascent
civil unrests of the day with dauntless courage, bravery and exemplary
initiative and this earned me a great deal of respect and admiration
from my colleagues and superiors including Governor Sir Maurice Dorman
and Prime Minister Sir Milton Margai. Perhaps by design, it was in
Kambia as
District Commissioner that I performed my most admirable feat....Prime
Minister Sir Milton Margai seemed highly impressed with my exemplary
display of administrative acumen and he desired to thank me
personally..."
Mr Kabbah goes into great detail over an incident in his early
administrative career that was to dog him throughout his life.
Following the 1967 elections/coup/counter-coup that eventually brought
Siaka Stevens to power various commissions of inquiry were instituted
by the new APC government, resulting in probes into the Sierra Leone
Produce Marketing Board, which had fallen under Mr Kabbah's
administrative purview as deputy Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of
Trade and Industry in 1964. Mr Kabbah's property was seized as a result
of
these probes, but he insists in his recounting that this was actually a
case of mistaken identity - his boss, in the same ministry
was called A. (Abayomi) Tejan,
and exonerations in the testimony to the commissions of him, Ahmad
Tejan Kabbah, according
to the ex-President's account, were credited to A. Tejan, his boss, the
Permanent Secretary. Siaka Stevens, Mr Kabbah claims, was determined to
punish supporters of the SLPP, such as him, and the seizure of his
properties were as a result of a Cabinet decision rather than judicial
findings. President Kabbah's detailed recounting of these
incidents is
made somewhat less credible by his acknowledgment that he owed a debt
of Le7,200 (at the time in excess of US$ 7,200) to a businessman who
was at the time involved in negotiations over a large contract with the
SLPMB, the very parastatal his ministry was supervising. The
ex-President offers no explanation or acknowledgment of this apparent
serious
conflict of interest.
Once the issue of the seized property (returned to him by President
Momoh in 1988) is out of the way, Mr Kabbah moves speedily to the main
substance
of the book - events associated with his Presidency of Sierra Leone. He
flees the APC of Siaka Stevens, graduates with a law degree in the
United Kingdom
and spends the next twenty two years working for the United Nations
where he
rises to the position of Divisional Director at the UNDP.
Upon retirement in 1992 Mr Kabbah and wife
Patricia return to
find a much bleaker Sierra Leone than the one they had left. This might
have been a good point in the book for Mr Kabbah to delve into what
went
wrong, to give us an insightful analysis of the reasons for Sierra
Leone's decline. Instead he amply recites the litany of woes,
"Public administration was weak and law
and order, justce and accountability, donor support and investor
confidence were practically dead. Ethnicity, nepotism and high-level
corruption were the order of the day. Politial dissent and civil
society activity had been ruthlessly curtailed and violence
systematically used to curb real and imagined opponents. Social service
delivery systems had collapsed...The buoyant economy, which the country
enjoyed at independence together with the bright prospects of a
prosperous nation held out to the people had disappeared to the point
that Sierra Leone was classified as one of the poorest nations on earth"
and then resorts to perfunctory simplifications to explain them,
"These things did not happen by
accident. Long years of authoritarian single party rule interspersed by
military regimes had undermined democracy, destabilized the country and
increased poverty.
Instead of the well-deserved rest that he and Mrs Kabbah had been
looking forward to, Mr Kabbah is persuaded to run for the Presidency on
the ticket of the Sierra Leone People's Party. Quite unexpectedly, just
four years after his return from a 22-year sojourn abroad during
which he had been well out of the public eye and had shown little
or no political ambition, Mr Kabbah wins the election and becomes
President.
Much of the book is taken up by a recounting of the unceasing
stream of violent events that dominated Mr Kabbah's first term in
office: from the coup against him in 1997 to the restoration of power
in 1998, the continuation of the war subsequently, endless fruitless
negotiations with rebel leader Foday Sankoh and his lieutenants, the
rebel invasion of Freetown in 1999, another near-invasion in 2000 and
the subsequent huge popular demonstration that forced Foday Sankoh,
at the time poised very near to the helm of government in Freetown, to flee.
Mr Kabbah relies heavily on transcripts of old speeches, statements and
official communications from himself and from foreign governments and
leaders to tell his
story. There is little soul-searching and he rarely, if ever,
acknowledges blame for the various disasters. For instance scant
explanation is offered for the catastrophic Jan 6, 1999,
invasion, when rebels marched into, and torched much of
Freetown, only days after the Government had assured the citizens that
they were secure:
"They (the
AFRC/RUF rebels)
had used women and children as human shields and were able to pass
ECOMOG checkpoints with little detection. Apparently, they also used
weapons they had hidden in several parts of the city including
cemeteries during their joint AFRC/RUF illegal regime."
Another ignominious flight for safety is described, but Mr Kabbah
blames no one,
least of all himself, for this disastrous security and intelligence
failure.
With little real analysis or insight, one might have perhaps hoped for
personal detail, little vignettes that demonstrate the workings of his
government and appointees. Here, too, Mr Kabbah disappoints. He gives
away little detail about the numerous personalities that served in his
administration, other than that he thought highly of Solomon Berewa,
vice-President during his second term, which we might already have
guessed. Towards the end of the book, he unusually lambasts the deputy
director of the Anti Corruption Commission, a British appointee, and
DFID, the British department that was then funding the commission.
Of his second, much more peaceful term, Mr Kabbah in the main goes
through a multitude of government departments and agencies one by one
and lists
accomplishments in each. A book of this nature would perhaps be more
useful as a national reference if state actors commented on what was not accomplished
that really, really should
have been
accomplished, and why it was not accomplished. Sierra Leone
politicians, however, often feel a
need to justify their tenure and spend much time reciting a familiar
and long list of accomplishments:
"We launched 'Operation Feed The
Nation'
(OFTN) to implement a progressively widening range of actions as part
of the national efforts to achieve food security... Rice yields
increased from 422,065 tons in 2002 to over 758,000 metric tons in
2005. This means that by 2005 the country had attained 85 percent rice
self-sufficiency...Over 1000 km of roads were constructed or
upgraded...we capacitated farmers by establishing 500 Agricultural
Business Units (ABUs) in addition to the Farmer Field
Schools...Secondary school enrolment and the number of schools also
increased dramatically, by over 100 percent...All these interventions
led to a 300 percent increase in girls accessing junior secondary
education...we built health clinics all over the country, rehabilitated
or rebuilt District hospitals...about 800 Peripheral Health Units
(PHUs) were providing medical services to many rural people, a
phenomenal increase from 350 in 2002...the Youth Employment Scheme,
which we launched in 2006...In Vision 2025 we identified six main
areas...Building a well-educated and enlightened society...Becoming a
science and technology-driven nation..."
Fast forward a few years and this could almost be current
President Ernest Koroma speaking. All leaders of Sierra Leone have
claimed great progress during their tenure. Somehow, the end product
continues to disappoint.
This book tells us much about what went wrong in Sierra
Leone. What it fails to do is give us real answers about why it
went wrong and why it perhaps, depending on one's point of view,
still continues to go wrong. Having grown up under the British
colonialists, then served with the first indigenous Government of
Sierra Leone, having worked extensively abroad in the UN system in
different countries and then returned to take up the leadership of the
nation, having, as he emphasizes, roots in all four provinces of the
country, Mr Kabbah was well placed to provide a serious analysis of the
nation. Perhaps, though, like many of his generation, his very
closeness to the dramatic transition of 1961 and the success it brought
to young African professionals blinded him to its failings
and rendered him incapable of correcting the systemic flaws of the
nation he had helped to create.
Paul Conton
(Coming Back From The Brink In Sierra
Leoneby Ahmad Tejan Kabbah,
2010, ISBN 978-9988-0-7768-6, EPP Books Services, Ghana)